Liar In Chief

LET'S GO PATRIOTS! SIGN THE PETITION AND PASS IT ON TO AS MANY OTHER PATRIOTS AS YOU CAN!  WE ARE AT ALMOST 200,000!

Is Obama Employing the Cloward-Piven Strategy

Question: What is the Cloward-Piven Strategy and is it covertly being employed by President Obama and his allies as a means of destroying this great country of ours?
There is sufficient evidence to prove that President Obama is in fact employing this strategy to destroy the USA as we know it today-You Decide:

Obama, have you no decency? Have you no shame?

 

 



Hiding Behind the Children

Why Obama is exploiting them to gain support for gun control.

Question of the Day

 

 

Presidential Oath: "I do solemnly swear that I will faithfully execute the office of President of the United States, and will to the best of my ability, preserve, protect, and defend the Constitution of the United States."

Can you name impeachable offenses and Constitutional violations that the Obama has committed since he took office?

 

I'll start with this picture:

 

 

 



 

if you need help, check out this page:

 

http://redflagnews.com/opinion/obamas-impeachable-offenses-updated-...

 

 

 

White House Responds to Secession Petitions

Official White House Response to Peacefully grant the State of Louisiana to withdraw from the United States of America and create its own NEW government. and 8 other petitions

The 14 Defining Characteristics Of Fascism

 

 

 

Dr. Lawrence Britt has examined the fascist regimes of Hitler (Germany), Mussolini (Italy), Franco (Spain), Suharto (Indonesia) and several Latin American regimes. Britt found 14 defining characteristics common to each:

1. Powerful and Continuing Nationalism - Fascist regimes tend to make constant use of patriotic mottos, slogans, symbols, songs, and other paraphernalia. Flags are seen everywhere, as are flag symbols on clothing and in public displays.

2. Disdain for the Recognition of Human Rights - Because of fear of enemies and the need for security, the people in fascist regimes are persuaded that human rights can be ignored in certain cases because of "need." The people tend to look the other way or even approve of torture, summary executions, assassinations, long incarcerations of prisoners, etc.

3. Identification of Enemies/Scapegoats as a Unifying Cause - The people are rallied into a unifying patriotic frenzy over the need to eliminate a perceived common threat or foe: racial , ethnic or religious minorities; liberals; communists; socialists, terrorists, etc.

4. Supremacy of the Military - Even when there are widespread domestic problems, the military is given a disproportionate amount of government funding, and the domestic agenda is neglected. Soldiers and military service are glamorized.

5. Rampant Sexism - The governments of fascist nations tend to be almost exclusively male-dominated. Under fascist regimes, traditional gender roles are made more rigid. Divorce, abortion and homosexuality are suppressed and the state is represented as the ultimate guardian of the family institution.

6. Controlled Mass Media - Sometimes to media is directly controlled by the government, but in other cases, the media is indirectly controlled by government regulation, or sympathetic media spokespeople and executives. Censorship, especially in war time, is very common.

7. Obsession with National Security - Fear is used as a motivational tool by the government over the masses.

8. Religion and Government are Intertwined - Governments in fascist nations tend to use the most common religion in the nation as a tool to manipulate public opinion. Religious rhetoric and terminology is common from government leaders, even when the major tenets of the religion are diametrically opposed

to the government's policies or actions.

9. Corporate Power is Protected - The industrial and business aristocracy of a fascist nation often are the ones who put the government leaders into power, creating a mutually beneficial business/government relationship and power elite.

10. Labor Power is Suppressed - Because the organizing power of labor is the only real threat to a fascist government, labor unions are either eliminated entirely, or are severely suppressed.

11. Disdain for Intellectuals and the Arts - Fascist nations tend to promote and tolerate open hostility to higher education, and academia. It is not uncommon for professors and other academics to be censored or even arrested. Free expression in the arts and letters is openly attacked.

12. Obsession with Crime and Punishment - Under fascist regimes, the police are given almost limitless power to enforce laws. The people are often willing to overlook police abuses and even forego civil liberties in the name of patriotism. There is often a national police force with virtually unlimited power in fascist nations.

13. Rampant Cronyism and Corruption - Fascist regimes almost always are governed by groups of friends and associates who appoint each other to government positions and use governmental power and authority to protect their friends from accountability. It is not uncommon in fascist regimes for national resources and even treasures to be appropriated or even outright stolen by government leaders.

14. Fraudulent Elections - Sometimes elections in fascist nations are a complete sham. Other times elections are manipulated by smear campaigns against or even assassination of opposition candidates, use of legislation to control voting numbers or political district boundaries, and manipulation of the media. Fascist nations also typically use their judiciaries to manipulate or control elections.

They Thought They Were Free

By Milton Mayer

 

"They Thought They Were Free: The Germans 1933-1945",

University of Chicago Press. Reissued in paperback, April, 1981.

As Harpers Magazine noted when the book was published in 1955 (U. of Chicago), Milton Mayerâsextraordinarily far-sighted book on the Germans is more timely today than ever·ä

This crucial book tells how and why 'decent men' became Nazis through short biographies of 10 law-abiding citizens. An American journalist of German/Jewish descent, Mr. Mayer provides a fascinating window into the lives, thoughts and emotions of a people caught up in the rush of the Nazi movement. It is a book that should make people pause and think -- not only about the Germans, but also about themselves.

But Then It Was Too Late

"What no one seemed to notice," said a colleague of mine, a philologist, "was the ever widening gap, after1933, between the government and the people. Just think how very wide this gap was to begin with, here in Germany. And it became always wider. You know it doesn't make people close to their government to be told that this is a people's government, a true democracy, or to be enrolled in civilian defense, or even to vote. All this has little, really nothing to do with knowing one is governing.

What happened here was the gradual habituation of the people, little by little, to being governed by surprise; to receiving decisions deliberated in secret; to believing that the situation was so complicated that the government had to act on information which the people could not understand, or so dangerous that, even if he people could understand it, it could not be released because of national security. And their sense of identification with Hitler, their trust in him, made it easier to widen this gap and reassured those who would otherwise have worried about it.

"This separation of government from people, this widening of the gap, took place so gradually and so insensibly, each step disguised (perhaps not even intentionally) as a temporary emergency measure or associated with true patriotic allegiance or with real social purposes. And all the crises and reforms (real reforms, too) so occupied the people that they did not see the slow motion underneath, of the whole process of government growing remoter and remoter.

"You will understand me when I say that my Middle High German was my life. It was all I cared about. I was a scholar, a specialist. Then, suddenly, I was plunged into all the new activity, as the universe was drawn into the new situation; meetings, conferences, interviews, ceremonies, and, above all, papers to be filled out, reports, bibliographies, lists, questionnaires. And on top of that were the demands in the community, the things in which one had to, was "expected to" participate that had not been there or had not been important before. It was all rigmarole, of course, but it consumed all one's energies, coming on top of the work one really wanted to do. You can see how easy it was, then, not to think about fundamental things. One had no time."

"Those," I said, "are the words of my friend the baker. "One had no time to think. There was so much going on." "Your friend the baker was right," said my colleague. "The dictatorship, and the whole process of its coming into being, was above all diverting. It provided an excuse not to think for people who did not want to think anyway. I do not speak of your "little men", your baker and so on; I speak of my colleagues and myself, learned men, mind you. Most of us did not want to think about fundamental things and never had. There was no need to. Nazism gave us some dreadful, fundamental things to think about - we were decent people - and kept us so busy with continuous changes and "crises" and so fascinated, yes, fascinated, by the machinations of the "national enemies", without and within, that we had no time to think about these dreadful things that were growing, little by little, all around us. Unconsciously, I suppose, we were grateful. Who wants to think?

"To live in this process is absolutely not to be able to notice it - please try to believe me - unless one has a much greater degree of political awareness, acuity, than most of us had ever had occasion to develop. Each step was so small, so inconsequential, so well explained or, on occasion, "regretted," that, unless one were detached from the whole process from the beginning, unless one understood what the whole thing was in principle, what all these "little measures" that no "patriotic German" could resent must some day lead to, one no more saw it developing from day to day than a farmer in his field sees the corn growing. One day it is over his head.

"How is this to be avoided, among ordinary men, even highly educated ordinary men? Frankly, I do not know. I do not see, even now. Many, many times since it all happened I have pondered that pair of great maxims, Principiis obsta and Finem respice - "Resist the beginnings" and "consider the end." But one must foresee the end in order to resist, or even see, the beginnings. One must foresee the end clearly and certainly and how is this to be done, by ordinary men or even by extraordinary men? Things might have changed here before they went as far as they did; they didn't, but they might have. And everyone counts on that might.

"Your "little men," your Nazi friends, were not against National Socialism in principle. Men like me, who were, are the greater offenders, not because we knew better (that would be too much to say) but because we sensed better. Pastor Niemoller spoke for the thousands and thousands of men like me when he spoke (too modestly of himself) and said that, when the Nazis attacked the Communists, he was a little uneasy, but, after all, he was not a Communist, and so he did nothing: and then they attacked the Socialists, and he was a little uneasier, but, still, he was not a Socialist, and he did nothing; and then the schools, the press, the Jews, and so on, and he was always uneasier, but still he did nothing. And then they attacked the Church, and he was a Churchman, and he did something - but then it was too late."

"Yes," I said.

"You see," my colleague went on, "one doesn't see exactly where or how to move. Believe me, this is true. Each act, each occasion, is worse than the last, but only a little worse. You wait for the next and the next. You wait for the one great shocking occasion, thinking that others, when such a shock comes, will join with you in resisting somehow. You don't want to act, or even to talk, alone; you don't want to "go out of your way to make trouble." Why not? - Well, you are not in the habit of doing it. And it is not just fear, fear of standing alone, that restrains you; it is also genuine uncertainty.

"Uncertainty is a very important factor, and, instead of decreasing as time goes on, it grows. Outside, in the streets, in the general community, "everyone is happy. One hears no protest, and certainly sees none. You know, in France or Italy there will be slogans against the government painted on walls and fences; in Germany, outside the great cities, perhaps, there is not even this. In the university community, in your own community, you speak privately to you colleagues, some of whom certainly feel as you do; but what do they say? They say, "It's not so bad" or "You're seeing things" or "You're an alarmist."

"And you are an alarmist. You are saying that this must lead to this, and you can't prove it. These are the beginnings, yes; but how do you know for sure when you don't know the end, and how do you know, or even surmise, the end? On the one hand, your enemies, the law, the regime, the Party, intimidate you. On the other, your colleagues pooh-pooh you as pessimistic or even neurotic. You are left with your close friends, who are, naturally, people who have always thought as you have.

"But your friends are fewer now. Some have drifted off somewhere or submerged themselves in their work. You no longer see as many as you did at meetings or gatherings. Informal groups become smaller; attendance drops off in little organizations, and the organizations themselves wither. Now, in small gatherings of your oldest friends, you feel that you are talking to yourselves, that you are isolated from the reality of things. This weakens your confidence still further and serves as a further deterrent to ö to what? It is clearer all the time that, if you are going to do anything, you must make an occasion to do it, and then you are obviously a troublemaker. So you wait, and you wait.

"But the one great shocking occasion, when tens or hundreds or thousands will join with you, never comes. That's the difficulty. If the last and worst act of the whole regime had come immediately after the first and the smallest, thousands, yes, millions would have been sufficiently shocked ö if, let us say, the gassing of the Jews in "43" had come immediately after the "German Firm" stickers on the windows of non-Jewish shops in "33". But of course this isn't the way it happens. In between come all the hundreds of little steps, some of them imperceptible, each of them preparing you not to be shocked by the next. Step C is not so much worse than Step B, and, if you did not make a stand at Step B, why should you at Step C? And so on to Step D.

"And one day, too late, your principles, if you were ever sensible of them, all rush in upon you. The burden of self deception has grown too heavy, and some minor incident, in my case my little boy, hardly more than a baby, saying "Jew swine," collapses it all at once, and you see that everything, everything, has changed and changed completely under your nose. The world you live in ö your nation, your people ö is not the world you were in at all. The forms are all there, all untouched, all reassuring, the houses, the shops, the jobs, the mealtimes, the visits, the concerts, the cinema, the holidays. But the spirit, which you never noticed because you made the lifelong mistake of identifying it with the forms, is changed. Now you live in a world of hate and fear, and the people who hate and fear do not even know it themselves; when everyone is transformed, no one is transformed. Now you live in a system which rules without responsibility even to God. The system itself could not have intended this in the beginning, but in order to sustain itself it was compelled to go all the way.

"You have gone almost all the way yourself. Life is a continuing process, a flow, not a succession of acts and events at all. It has flowed to a new level, carrying you with it, without any effort on your part. On this new level you live, you have been living more comfortably every day, with new morals, new principles. You have accepted things you would not have accepted five years ago, a year ago, things that your father, even in Germany, could not have imagined.

"Suddenly it all comes down, all at once. You see what you are, what you have done, or, more accurately, what you haven't done ( for that was all that was required of most of us: that we do nothing). You remember those early meetings of your department in the university when, if one had stood, others would have stood, perhaps, but no one stood. A small matter, a matter of hiring this man or that, and you hired this one rather than that. You remember everything now, and your heart breaks. Too late. You are compromised beyond repair.

"What then? You must then shoot yourself. A few did. Or "adjust" your principles. Many tried, and some, I suppose, succeeded; not I, however. Or learn to live the rest of your life with your shame. This last is the nearest there is, under the circumstances, to heroism: shame. Many Germans became this poor kind of hero, many more, I think, than the world knows or cares to know."

I said nothing. I thought of nothing to say.

"I can tell you," my colleague went on, "of a man in Leipzig, a judge. He was not a Nazi, except nominally, but he certainly wasn't an anti Nazi. He was just ö a judge. In "42" or "43", early "43", I think it was, a Jew was tried before him in a case involving, but only incidentally, relations with an "Aryan" woman. This was "race injury", something the Party was especially anxious to punish. In the case a bar, however, the judge had the power to convict the man of a "nonracial" offense and send him to an ordinary prison for a very long term, thus saving him from Party "processing" which would have meant concentration camp or, more probably, deportation and death. But the man was innocent of the "nonracial" charge, in the judge's opinion, and so, as an honorable judge, he acquitted him. Of course, the Party seized the Jew as soon as he left the courtroom.

"

"And the judge?"

"Yes, the judge. He could not get the case off his conscience ö a case, mind you, in which he had acquitted an innocent man. He thought that he should have convicted him and saved him from the Party, but how could he have convicted an innocent man? The thing preyed on him more and more, and he had to talk about it, first to his family, then to his friends, and then to acquaintances. (That's how I heard about it.) After the "44" Putsch they arrested him. After that, I don't know."

I said nothing.

"Once the war began," my colleague continued, "resistance, protest, criticism, complaint, all carried with them a multiplied likelihood of the greatest punishment. Mere lack of enthusiasm, or failure to show it in public, was "defeatism." You assumed that there were lists of those who would be "dealt with" later, after the victory. Goebbels was very clever here, too. He continually promised a "victory orgy" to "take care of" those who thought that their "treasonable attitude" had escaped notice. And he meant it; that was not just propaganda. And that was enough to put an end to all uncertainty.

"Once the war began, the government could do anything "necessary" to win it; so it was with the "final solution" of the Jewish problem, which the Nazis always talked about but never dared undertake, not even the Nazis, until war and its "necessities" gave them the knowledge that they could get away with it. The people abroad who thought that war against Hitler would help the Jews were wrong. And the people in Germany who, once the war had begun, still thought of complaining, protesting, resisting, were betting on Germany's losing the war. It was a long bet. Not many made it."

MORE

Question of the Day

On July 4, 1776, the Founding Fathers pledged "with a firm reliance on the protection of Divine Providence, we mutually pledge to each other our Lives, our Fortunes, and our sacred Honor."
Can we do any less?

"Is life so dear, or peace so sweet, as to be purchased at the price of chains or slavery? Forbid it, Almighty God! I know not what course others may take but as for me; give me liberty or give me death!"

We must now ask ourselves the same question.

Emails, calling, faxing....we have done it all and, yet still, we have we made any real gains? The GOP uses us, the Democrats hate us....and, they both continue to operate against our Constitution. They are saddling our children with debt and they are subjecting us to tyranny on a daily basis. They defy their oath:

"I do solemnly swear (or affirm) that I will support the Constitution of the United States."

Do we accept the chains of slavery or do we defy those that wish to enslave us? If defiance is the road we must travel, what are your suggestions to do this?

Please join me in taking the evil, secret oath of the criminal 'right wing extremists'.

If there must be trouble, let it be in my day, that my child may have peace.
Thomas Paine

 

The Tea Party Net

Dear Patriot,TheTeaParty.net

For the future of our great nation, there is nothing more important than the defeat of President Barak Obama, taking control of the US Senate and increasing our majority in the House of Representatives. We know that the margins that win or lose these critical elections will be painfully close. To make this happen, we need your support to launch the most comprehensive "get out the vote" effort in the history of conservative politics.

It is not enough to send our message to the loyal conservatives who support our efforts. We must reach the 6% undecided voters who until now, have not been paying attention to the problems we face as a nation. In order to win their votes, we are launching a massive effort through the Internet, video and direct contact to explain just what another four years of President Obama and Harry Reid will do to the future of our children and grandchildren.

If we are going to be successful, we must raise an unprecedented amount of funding in order to make this happen. The "American Dream" given us by our founders and through the US Constitution is in peril. President Obama has made it clear that he wants to change the Constitution to create a society based on big government controlling the lives of everyday citizens. We will not stand for this!

Our nation needs you to find the same resolve our Founding Fathers did when they risked their lives and fortunes to give us the Republic that we all so cherish. You can do your part with a donation of what you can afford -Here-

Our funding does not come from billionaires, unions or well funded special interest groups. It is the support of everyday mothers, fathers, grandmothers and grandfathers that has given "We the People" the voice that Harry Reid and President Obama so fear.

Americans have risen to every challenge we have ever faced as a nation and this time will be no different. We know that maintaining our freedom and liberty will not be easy given that we are up against powerful and well funded organizations who plan to benefit from America's demise. No longer will we stand idly by hoping our elected officials put OUR Nation and people ahead of their self interests. We will continue to hold them accountable to the oath they swore when they took office that they would uphold the Constitution and represent the people they were elected to serve!

Tell Harry Reid and Barack Obama; "Hell yes I support the Tea Party" by contributing and send the message that we will no longer let them get away will selling out the American dream. What happens next is up to us and I know I can count on your support.

Click below and donate what you can so our grandchildren and great grandchildren will remember our generation refused to let the dream die for them.

 

TheTeaParty.net | 1701 Pennsylvania Ave. NW,Suite 300, PMB #433 | Washington, DC 20006

www.TheTeaParty.Net

TheTeaParty.net

Tea Party : virtual march

Dear Patriot,
This is really cool check it out and sign up for the march..

Dear Patriot, Since the Supreme Court ruled on Obamacare, signups for our "Unity Rally 2012" have exploded and we want to give you an update on the biggest Tea Party rally since 2010. We will gather with tens of thousands of Patriots in Tampa Bay on August 26th, right before the Republican convention. We have been sharing our strategy with you and our team has been crisscrossing the country recruiting groups, activists, and speakers for this historic event. During our travels we have been listening to your concerns about this important event. We have been listening! We have launched our "Virtual March to Tampa" program and whether you are going to attend the rally or not, we encourage you to go to www.UnityRally2012.com and join the march. We are proud to announce this exciting new technology that will allow everyone to participate in a new and exciting way, the virtual march. Our virtual march technology gives everyone who wants to participate in the rally the ability to create an avatar who will virtually march to Tampa with tens or even hundreds of thousands of others. Everyone can participate and we will be live streaming the event so that everyone can watch as it happens, even if you can't make the trip to Tampa! The idea of a "virtual" march is so revolutionary, the impact might not seem obvious at first but let me assure you that that impact will huge! There will be no charge for the Avatar or for the live-stream but this technology is so cool you will have the option of outfitting your avatar with Tea Party signs and other patriotic symbols for a small cost. 100% of the proceeds will go towards funding both the live event and the virtual event. Any extra money will be used to help fund the conservative organizations that participate in the marketing, planning, and implementation of this important event! Like everything in life, new technology comes at a price. In the modern age, we have to use every tool available to make the most impact. To make this event successful, we still need to raise $100,000 to pay for the location, marketing, event setup and of course extra security in light of the violent protests we are seeing around the country. As always we are relying on you to help us fund this critical project. We are getting close to the halfway mark in our funding goals but we still need your support. Please make a generous contribution of $250, $100, $50, or whatever you can afford by clicking ---HERE--- This event is going to be a boost for everyone in the Tea Party movement and an impact point in the history of our growing political movement! This thing is going to be huge and I'm so grateful to be able to share it with all of you! You have restored my confidence in the American dream and together we are going to take back America at the ballot box! Sincerely, Dustin Stockton Chief Strategist P.S. Our strength is in numbers. Please help our efforts by forwarding this message to a friend.

"We Have Not Yet Begun To Fight"!!

Dear Patriot,

Yesterday's decision by the Supreme Court to uphold "Obama care" was troubling to say the least. Obama, Pelosi, and Reid are dancing in the streets hoping that we just give up and surrender America to the socialist agenda. After all, it is "their country" not ours, according to them. Their motto is: "You have to give us the power to do anything we want before you know what we will do with America."

As we told you yesterday, "We Have Not Yet Begun To Fight"!! We will not stop until every sitting member of Congress who either voted for this horrible law or did not do everything they could to stop it is removed from office.

If yesterday's court decision makes no sense to you... Good! You are among those of us who thought that American liberty was protected by the Constitution. Liberals see the Constitution as little more than an obstacle in their lust for power. They have worked tirelessly for the last century to slowly make it irrelevant. Yesterday, they took a giant leap forward in building the very government our Founding Fathers tried to protect us from when they gave us our Constitution.

We hosted a town hall meeting with several Members of Congress yesterday to reinforce our commitment that business as usual in Congress is not acceptable. We pulled no punches in expressing what needs to be done and made it clear that "We the Voters" are watching.

We must win and win big in November or the ideals that founded our nation, creating the most vibrant and productive society in the history of the world, will be lost to a nanny state run by corrupt and self serving bureaucrats. Thank you for your support and commitment to a nation in peril.

Thank You,

Todd Cefaratti
Freedom Organizer     


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